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The following article appeared in the March 2002 edition of Sydney's
Child magazine. Robin Grille has kindly given permission for the ASG-MWP
to re-publish his article.
Reconciliation - Why Should I Care?
by Robin Grille
When I went to school, I was taught next to nothing about Aboriginal
cultures, and how colonisation affected them. Living in Sydney, it wasn’t
until my late twenties that I met an Aboriginal person for the first time.
I grew up in a country whose history of black-white relations seemed
a carefully-guarded secret. Most Aussie kids in my time could rattle off
the names of at least half a dozen Native-American nations, but could
not name a single Aboriginal tribe (how many of each can you name today?).
We should not be surprised at the colossal ignorance and disinterest displayed
among Australian adults today. In these more enlightened days, however,
the themes of Reconciliation are presented in schools.
Recently, when confronted with complicated questions by children from
my family and neighbourhood, I found myself stumped for answers. My heart
embraces reconciliation, but my mind was vague for lack of information.
Embarrassed at my own ignorance, and wanting to feel a more complete citizen,
I did some reading, and made some effort to articulate my feelings about
the Reconciliation issue. I hope I’ll now be better prepared for
when my own daughter starts asking questions. In the meantime, I wish
to share what I’ve came up with so far. What follows are some thoughts
on how I might address some oft-heard objections, and answer some of the
questions more commonly asked.
Q1: Why should I be sorry for the wrongs done
to Aborigines? I wasn’t there when it happened!
By world standards, the average Australian enjoys one of the highest
standards-of-living. We wouldn’t be so wealthy today, if it weren’t
for the land and resources which were violently taken from their original
custodians. We owe much of our exceptional lifestyle to the Aboriginals’
dispossession. Even though most of us alive today didn’t ‘fight
the battle’, we still get the ‘spoils’.
Q2: Most peoples, including the Aborigines,
fought others over resources and land – since the dawn of time.
Why should we be apologetic?
We could also say: ‘most teenagers abuse drugs or alcohol at one
time or another, most Australians eat heaps of junk-food, most people
watch too much crap on TV, and many people still throw cigarette-butts
on the ground. Do we have the guts to stop hiding behind what ‘most
people’ have done? Many Australians are making an effort to renounce
violence and racism, so we can help to build a kinder world. Saying ‘sorry’
for past and present injustice is part of that effort.
Q3: But no other nation has said ‘sorry’
for its hostilities, have they?
Certainly, national remorse is almost unknown in human history. But Australia
won’t be the first to say ‘sorry’. The Canadian government
recently returned enormous tracts of land to their once dispossessed Inuit
people (we used to call them Eskimos). After World War II, the German
government issued a wholehearted apology to the Jews of the world. They
accepted full responsibility for the ‘Holocaust’, and have
been compensating survivors ever since. Only weeks ago, President Kwasniewski
of Poland apologised, on behalf of his country, for the 1941 massacre
of 1600 Jews in the village of Jedwabne. He set an honourable example
with his words: ‘For this crime, we should beg the souls of the
dead and their families for forgiveness.’
All Australian State governments (not the Northern Territory) have now
issued formal apologies to their Aboriginal communities. Hundreds of thousands
of Australians marched in Melbourne and Sydney, as an overwhelming demonstration
of the public’s readiness to say ‘sorry’. Only our Federal
Govt is holding back. As the rest of the world becomes more civilised
, we risk being left behind.
Q4: Why should the whole country pay for the
sins of a few ratbags? Surely it wasn’t government policy to hurt
Aborigines?
Far from being isolated incidents conducted secretly by outlaws, massacres
of Aborigines were routine on the Australian frontier. There were several
well-organised campaigns designed to destroy entire tribal groups, and
neither women nor children were spared. Many of the massacres were accompanied
by torture, rape and humiliation. Some were carried out sporadically by
settlers, others were methodically executed by government troops, and
the ‘Native Police’ under Governors’ orders. At one
time, Gov. Lachlan Macquarie ordered that Aboriginal corpses be hung from
trees to spread terror among tribesmen who were trying to defend their
territories.
Some government officials tried to put on a show of restraint, but the
reprimands against perpetrators were usually feeble and ineffectual. Only
once, in 1838, following the infamous ‘Myall Creek Massacre’
in NSW, were perpetrators ever convicted of murder. The killers had systematically
pursued and slain a large group of Kwiambal people, and decapitated their
babies and children. One woman left alive to watch the slaughter was subsequently
gang-raped. Despite the callousness of these murders, there was widespread
public outrage against the trial, as almost no Australians believed Aboriginals
deserved to be treated as humans under the law. Public committees were
formed to raise money to defend the prisoners.
Van Diemen’s Land (colonial Tasmania) was host to unparalleled
carnage, which was carried out with little government interference, and
often with government encouragement. The list of atrocities against Tasmanian
Aborigines is as long as it is grotesque: countless Aborigines were shot
for sport, burned alive, flogged, raped, and mutilated. There are a number
of accounts of captives being forced to eat their own body parts. The
killings in this colony had explicit military support. Martial law allowed
anyone with a horse and rifle to shoot Aborigines down. The government
put a price on Aboriginal heads, and some, like John Batman, made personal
fortunes in this way. Sealers were particularly notorious for abducting
Aboriginal women to use as sex slaves. In captivity, these women were
subject to the most unspeakable tortures when they displeased their masters.
With and without government support, Tasmanian Aborigines were almost
entirely wiped out.
Some people still believe that most Aboriginal nations were destroyed
by the accident of disease. Although it’s true that western diseases
such as influenza and smallpox decimated entire groups, many were deliberately
infected. Settlers commonly believed that one could cure syphilis through
sex with a virgin, or at least alleviate symptoms by passing the disease
to another. Aboriginal women were habitually used for this purpose, and
this made syphilis, the biggest of all killers, a kind of murder-by-rape.
Another common practice was to give Aborigines ‘gifts’ of
poisoned flour, or blankets infected with the smallpox virus – with
predictable results.
Massacres by non-indigenous Australians were still carried out, unpunished,
during our grandparents’ (and for some of us, our parents’)
lifetimes. In the Western Australian ‘Forrest River Massacre’
of 1926, several men were killed and cremated while their women were forced
to watch. Public opinion proved too strong an obstacle against an inquiry
that would bring the killers to trial. Two years later in the Northern
Territory, Aboriginal men, women and children were indiscriminately shot
in what was to be called the ‘Coniston Massacre’. An Adelaide
newspaper called one of the ringleaders – a bloke by the name of
‘Murray’ - the ‘Hero of Central Australia’. Walbiri
tribesmen claim almost one hundred dead. After court hearings, Murray
was quietly removed to a distant location, where he died in the 1960’s
of old age. A lone survivor named ‘Bullfrog’ was still alive
in the 1970’s.
Similarly, when children of mixed Aboriginal and non-indigenous descent
were systematically taken from their families, this was not carried out
covertly, or by maverick bureaucrats. This practice was fully backed by
government policy, enabled by over 700 pieces of legislation around Australia
for its duration - between 1910 and 1970.
Q5: Isn’t the ‘Stolen Generation’
a pile of exaggeration and propaganda? All they want is compensation money!
The ‘Stolen Generation’ is not propaganda. It really happened.
The most conservative estimates state that between 1910 and 1970, 20,000
to 25,000 children were wrongfully taken from their families. Most were
physically or sexually abused, forced into servitude and subjected to
appalling cruelty and neglect. All had their ties to culture and language
severed, and their true identities destroyed. We will never be able to
calculate the ‘ripple’ effects that their trauma would have
on their own children and grandchildren. Systematic child removal is now
included in the UN Convention on Genocide - it is classified as a genocidal
act. It has been recognised as a method for eradicating ethnic groups.
Financial reparations would in fact be a good start to the healing process;
it would be a legitimate way to help victims to deal with the incalculable
physical and psychological damage wrought by the forcible splintering
of families. It might also help victims and their children to reconnect
with their past wherever possible. It benefits all of us to live in a
society where we can each feel safe that all victims, once acknowledged,
will be compensated. The idea that the responsible party must compensate
the injured, is absolutely central to the sense that we live in a just
society. Without this, anyone is fair game for being exploited or trampled
on. In this case, the responsible party is the institution of the Australian
Government.
Q6: The authorities that removed Aboriginal
children really meant well, and we shouldn’t judge them. Wasn’t
it in the children’s best interests to be taken away from ‘drunken’
and ‘dysfunctional’ parents?
In some cases, the intention may have been to remove children for their
own protection. However, regarding the overall practice of child removal,
no, the authorities did not ‘mean well’. The policy of forcible
child-removal explicitly applied only to children of mixed descent. That
demonstrates that this policy was not motivated by welfare concerns. In
fact, as of 1915, the Aboriginal Protection Board received the legal power
to separate Aboriginal children from their parents without having to prove
neglect before a court.
In 1911, the Northern Territory’s Acting Administrator, Samuel
James Mitchell, said: ‘one of the first works to be undertaken is
to gather in all the half-caste children who are living with Aborigines.’
Dr Cecil Cook, Chief Protector of Aborigines in the NT, forbade marriage
between half-castes and full-bloods. Meanwhile, they tried to arrange
marriage of half-caste women to European men. This kind of policy was
commonly called ‘breeding out the colour’. The Federal Government
supported Dr Cook’s policy.
In a 1937 Canberra Conference on Aboriginal policy, A. O. Neville of
the Northern Territory promised that we would eventually: ‘…forget
that there were any Aborigines in Australia’. The pervading belief
was that full-blood Aborigines, being an inferior race, would eventually
die out naturally. Being a convert to the Darwinian cult of ‘survival
of the fittest’, Neville believed this would take place within a
hundred years. In the meantime, those of mixed descent could be made to
disappear by being assimilated into European society. To this end, he
advocated segregation of pure blacks, who were ‘not quick breeders’,
and, once ‘half-castes’ were removed, rearing them in accordance
with ‘white’ culture. The goal was to assimilate children
of mixed blood into ‘white’ Australian community. This was
part of a complex plan to make the Aboriginal race disappear altogether.
Through the 1920’s and 1930’s, Aborigines in large numbers
were forcibly subjected to painful and humiliating government-sponsored
experiments. The results of these experiments – now utterly discredited
as bogus science – were used to classify Aborigines as an inferior
race, which to the government of the day justified their assimilation,
and final disappearance as a cultural entity.
Child-stealing was made easy by the popular notion that Aborigines were
not quite persons. Until 1967 they were not counted as persons in the
Australian census, and were not allowed to vote. James Isdall, ‘Protector’
from Western Australia, said at the 1937 Canberra conference: ‘I
would not hesitate for one moment to separate any half-caste from its
Aboriginal mother, no matter how frantic her momentary grief might be
at that time. They soon forget their offspring.’ He was expressing
a common view that Aborigines, being less than human, did not share that
range of emotions that the rest of us do. One commentator in the paper:
‘The West Australian’ said: “Love as we know it did
not animate the breasts of the Blacks of Australia”.
One abductee had this to say: ‘…every morning as the sun
came up the whole family would wail. They did that for 32 years until
they saw me again’. Somehow, White Australia became deaf to these
wails.
Q7: In the long run, weren’t Aboriginal
children better off taken away from their ‘primitive’ lives,
and brought into civilisation?
Based on the personal testimonies of 535 survivors, we know that most
children lived a nightmare from the time they were abducted from their
families.
One NSW politician named McGarry insisted that stealing children was
an ‘act of cruelty’, designed ‘to gain absolute control
of the child and use him as a slave without paying wages’. He was
right. Young children, once Christianised, Europeanised, and given the
most basic ‘education’, were delivered into virtual slavery
as maids or farm hands.
Children were frequently flogged or otherwise beaten for trying to escape,
and for using their native language. Accounts of serial sexual abuse are
legion. Few would ever gain any sense of control over their own destiny,
something that most of us in Australia take for granted.
Q8: Aborigines were ‘savages’. Some
of them may have been cannibals. Weren’t they more brutal towards
each other than white Australians were?
Some historians idealised and romanticised traditional Aboriginal society,
while others depicted them as brutes. Speculation about Aborigines’
moral standing is a pointless exercise, irrelevant to Reconciliation.
If there is any meaning to the notion of ‘Human Rights’, what
was done to Aboriginal societies was a Crime Against Humanity, irrespective
of whether they were warlike or peaceful, ‘noble’ or ‘savage’.
There is something very ugly in the assumption that other people are
better off living like us. Even the very best of Western-style, democratic
and industrial civilisation is toxic if it is rammed down people’s
throats - especially when accompanied with mass rape and murder.
When we consider the entrenched culture of sadism towards convicts in
penal Australia, toward Aborigines on the frontier, and later in institutions
for Aboriginal children, one wonders who the ‘savages’ really
were.
Who are the barbarians? Modern Australians have achieved in just 200
years what the indigenous did not in over 50,000 years: the profound devastation
of our natural environment. Studies show that between 10% to 60% of children
in ‘Civilised’ Western societies suffer sexual interference.
We have allowed children to be stolen from their families, then sent to
homes where they were physically, emotionally, spiritually and sexually
abused. After WWII, our government placed thousands of deported British
‘orphans’, into squalid and loveless institutions. Many have
since found they were lied to about the death of their parents, and sent
here to help fill the labour shortage and populate Australia. Given the
scandalous way we have treated children, Aborigines, and the environment,
modern Australia can hardly claim moral superiority.
Q9: Aren’t we trying to judge our predecessors
by modern standards?
It’s very trendy and ‘PC’ nowadays to say that we shouldn’t
judge the deeds of people from other cultures or other times; what’s
OK at one time is not OK at another, and so on. This idea is called ‘cultural
relativism’, it is intellectual drivel, and it is only promulgated
by the most detached and unfeeling individuals. The problem with that
view is that humans beings hurt the same way the world over, today or
a thousand years ago.
Unless children are neglected or abused, their birthright is to remain
with their families – how could this not apply to children of 50
or 100 years ago? This most basic of human rights was repeatedly violated
up until quite recently.
Even by the standards of their times, the massacres and the more recent
child-removal policies were morally repugnant. The ‘Stolen Generations’
Report noted a significant divergence between the imported British notions
of ‘fairness’ and ‘liberty’; and the treatment
of indigenous peoples. Individuals’ personal liberty was deprived
through forcible detention in institutions. Parents’ rights were
abolished. There were countless abuses of power in the removal process,
and huge abuses of guardianship obligations by ‘protectors’
and ‘carers’.
Q10: All these things happened a long time
ago! Why can’t people just forgive-and-forget, and let go of the
past?
The damaging effects of the massacres, dispossession, cultural annihilation
and child-removal are not ‘in the past’ – they are still
felt today. The legacy of radical displacement, dismembering of cultural
identity, and a persisting climate of racist contempt, is the plethora
of social problems suffered in today’s Aboriginal communities.
Child stealing wasn’t only traumatic for the children and their
families. The cleaving of families bears a trickle-down trauma-effect
that impacts on future generations. When individuals are torn from love
in their infancy, this has been known to cripple the development of their
own parenting skills later in life. The Stolen Generations Report gives
the example of one stolen Aboriginal mother, who: ‘didn’t
know how to hug her own babies, and had to be shown how to do that.’
When there has been trauma, truth is essential to healing. To deny or
minimise the full psychological impact of trauma is to risk driving the
sufferer insane. So, to expect Aboriginal families to ‘let go of
the past’, or to ‘forgive and forget’, is no more than
denial with a sweet face - and it is an insult as well as a further injury.
No individual can properly ‘let go of the past’, until the
past is fully acknowledged, and the psychological and material effects
of this past are fully recognised. This is what has been learned from
the Jewish Holocaust, from Vietnam, or from Yugoslavia: we must carefully
piece together the crimes, the stories of human suffering, and bring those
to prominence in the public eye. A traumatic history, if unaccounted for,
unatoned and untreated, will fester forever in the social and individual
conscience, and block renewal. Embracing the whole truth and saying ‘sorry’
is not everything, but without these essential first steps, no progress
toward Reconciliation is possible.
To say that oppression is a thing of the past is wishful thinking. The
massacres, the enslavement, the spiritual abuse and child-stealing may
well be over, but injustices against Aborigines have certainly not stopped.
Persecution is alive and well, but cleverly disguised. The over-policing
of Aborigines, their highly disproportionate jail presence, and the alarming
rates of deaths-in-custody are just some examples.
Q11: Why are some Australians still opposed
to saying sorry to Aborigines?
Many Australians either don’t know about, or flatly deny much of
the horror of race relations in our history. Up until recently, school
and university history texts promulgated the gross fallacy of ‘peaceful
settlement’. We strive to be proud of a noble past, yet we lack
the maturity to face up to the dark side of our history, the ‘shadow’-side
of our national identity. We prefer to blame Aborigines’ social
problems on their ‘bad character’, and thus cling on to a
spotless image of national righteousness.
Rarely do any of us feel invested in a social cause until we connect
emotionally, and empathically, with the plight of the people concerned.
If it’s too painful to consider the suffering of others, we want
to turn away. If you are unmoved by the story of the ‘Stolen Generations’,
then take a few minutes to imagine, as lucidly as possible, some of the
things mentioned above happening to you and your children. Then consider
that if you are old enough to have children, these things may have happened
in your own lifetime. Not in Germany, not in Cambodia, not in Rwanda,
not in Yugoslavia, not in Afghanistan, but right here in here in Australia.
What are you willing to do to ensure that your country - perhaps even
your world - never again plays host to this kind of atrocity?
Q12: What’s the point of feeling guilty
anyway?
Saying ‘sorry’ is not about wallowing in guilt. Guilt –
in contrast to remorse – helps no-one. Saying ‘sorry’
is about repairing a broken or wounded relationship. It is an expression
of collective remorse, towards the souls of the tormented and dispossessed,
on whose land we now thrive.
Saying ‘sorry’ is also an acceptance that as a nation, and
through our governments, we have failed in our duty of care toward a sector
of our community. As a wholehearted rejection of inhuman policies, saying
‘sorry’ lifts us from being passive bystanders, and makes
us responsible citizens, of Australia and of the Global Community. Lastly,
‘sorry’ is a way of renouncing the legitimacy of the mighty
conquering the vulnerable.
Q13: What’s the point of feeling ashamed?
Healthy shame is an acceptance of our insufficiencies, it returns us to
humility. Feeling shame does not diminish us: far from it. It takes a
‘big’ person to assume accountability, and thus national shame
is a sign of national maturity. On the other hand, refusal to atone makes
us small-minded and petty.
To feel no horror for the plight of our Koori kin is to be cut off from
our own humanity. Shame follows naturally once we choose to look squarely
at our country’s injustices, once we cease to be emotionally detached.
In our age of information, we cannot hide our apathy by calling it ignorance.
If we ‘didn’t know’ what was being done to Aboriginal
families, it’s because we chose not to. Apathy is shameful: it makes
us accomplices. So, to feel ashamed of the darkness in our history is
to take a stand that says: “I refuse to live in denial, I refuse
to be disinterested or complacent about human rights abuses”. Healthy
shame makes us more human.
Q14: What’s in it for us?
Far more than an abstract, warm-and-fuzzy idea, Reconciliation has some
very real dividends to offer all of us.
Firstly, Reconciliation will transform our society. To understand how,
we need to realise that Reconciliation is not just an Aboriginal question.
It’s a human question. If we restrict the definition of the problem
to ‘grievances against Aborigines’, we foster the illusion
that as non-indigenous Aussies we are untouched, unhurt. Make no mistake:
what took place in Australia were crimes against humanity. As long as
crimes against humanity – no matter what sector of humanity - go
unatoned, not one of us is safe. Wouldn’t you feel safer living
in a society that compensates for injustice? We won’t have such
a society until we have fully ‘Reconciled’.
Since it must have taken a peculiar heartlessness to remove Aboriginal
children, we should all be very worried that this level of insensitivity
prevailed in high echelons of public administration. A Reconciliation
that includes financial reparations sends the message that this country
will never again tolerate such barbarous policies. We all need to feel
that we live in a society in which any institution – including the
government - is expected to clean up its messes. The institutions of Australian
government should not be exempt, and the fact that its officers have changed
is immaterial. Payment of reparations to ‘Stolen Children’
is worth it, because a mature society that lives by truth, justice and
human rights is better for everyone to live in.
In any family, one traumatised person affects all relationships. Until
any issues of trauma are addressed, the whole family suffers, and is held
back from achieving its potential. Similarly, our whole nation’s
progress will be impaired until we have healed the wounds inflicted on
indigenous Australia. Peace pays dividends: it fosters development, prosperity
and happiness.
Reconciliation is an attitude of mind and spirit that opens up all sorts
of new and wondrous possibilities. Aborigines are the oldest living culture
on earth - having thrived for 50,000 years on the continent that we have
almost ruined in 200. Imagine what we could learn from their experience!
Every tribal elder should be viewed as a National Treasure - they possess
intellectual property of incalculable worth. They are living curators
of potentially invaluable knowledge about healing plants, nutritional
plants, and sustainable resource management. There is much they could
teach us about building supportive family networks that fend off isolation,
or about the methodology of access to the sub-conscious mind and its powers.
We are far from realising what a harmonious partnership between the indigenous
and non-indigenous could accomplish for Australia. All Australian cultures
have much more to offer each other once friendship is cultivated.
Reconciliation, therefore, has nothing to do with moral high-ground or
sentimentality. It’s about growing up, as individuals and as a nation.
And it’s smart for our society’s wellbeing and survival.
Some Interesting Reading:
Anderson, Warwick (awaiting release in May 2002) ‘The Cultivation
of Whiteness: Science, Health and Racial Destiny in Australia’
Elder, Bruce (1998) Blood On The Wattle New Holland
Hughes, Robert (1986) This Fatal Shore The Harvill Press
Manne, Robert (1998) essay: ‘The Stolen Generations’ in:
‘The Way We Live Now’ Text Publishing, Melbourne.
Manne, Robert (2001) ‘In Denial – The Stolen Generations
and The Right’ - The Australian Quarterly Essay, Vol(1)
Parbury, Nigel (1986) Survival – A History of Aboriginal Life
In New South Wales Published by: The Ministry of Aboriginal Affairs,
NSW.
Reynolds, Henry (1999) ‘Why Weren’t We Told?’
Viking-Penguin Books
Robin Grille is a psychologist and author of Parenting for a Peaceful
World (2005) www.our-emotional-health.com/book.html
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